There is a particular cruelty in the way we discuss the failures of Black youth in America — the dropout rates, the incarceration statistics, the unemployment figures — as if these young people arrived at catastrophe by some mysterious and inexplicable process, as if the path between a child’s potential and a child’s destruction were not lined, at every stage, with the absence of adults who might have shown them a different road. We speak endlessly of the achievement gap. We pour billions into standardized testing regimes designed to measure it, into curriculum reforms designed to close it, into professional development seminars designed to make teachers aware of it. And yet we have largely ignored the single intervention that the research identifies, with remarkable consistency, as among the most powerful tools available for transforming the trajectory of a young person’s life: the sustained, caring presence of an adult who has walked the road before them and is willing to walk it again.
Mentorship is not a soft concept. It is not a feel-good abstraction that belongs on motivational posters in guidance counselors’ offices. It is a rigorously studied, extensively documented intervention with measurable outcomes that rival or exceed the effects of the most expensive educational programs in the country. And in Black America, where the need for it is most desperate and the supply of it most catastrophically inadequate, the mentorship deficit represents a crisis that is, by any honest accounting, larger than the achievement gap itself — because the achievement gap is, in substantial part, a consequence of it.
The Numbers That Should Shame Us
The most comprehensive study of formal mentoring’s impact on young people was conducted by Public/Private Ventures in partnership with Big Brothers Big Sisters of America. The landmark evaluation, led by researcher Cynthia Herrera and her colleagues, followed more than 1,300 youth over multiple years and produced findings so striking that they should have triggered a national mobilization. Among Black youth specifically, those who received mentors through the program were 52% less likely to skip a day of school and 46% less likely to begin using illegal drugs. They were 27% less likely to begin using alcohol. They were significantly less likely to hit someone. And they showed measurable improvements in academic confidence, peer relationships, and their sense of competence and self-worth.
These are not modest effects. In the world of social science research, where a 10% improvement is considered noteworthy, reductions of 46% and 52% are extraordinary. They are the kind of numbers that, if they were attached to a pharmaceutical drug, would have venture capitalists lining up with their checkbooks. But because the intervention in question is a human relationship rather than a product — because there is no patent to file and no stock to trade — the response has been a collective shrug.
The meta-analysis conducted by David DuBois and his colleagues at the University of Illinois, which synthesized the findings of 73 independent evaluations of youth mentoring programs, confirmed the pattern across a much broader evidence base. Mentoring produces statistically significant improvements in behavioral, social, emotional, and academic outcomes. The effects are strongest when the mentoring relationship is sustained over time, when mentors receive training and support, and when the relationship involves emotional closeness rather than mere instruction. In other words, mentoring works best when it approximates what every child deserves and what millions of Black children do not have: a consistent, caring adult presence.
“Children have never been very good at listening to their elders, but they have never failed to imitate them.”
— James Baldwin
Three Million Children Waiting
Here is the statistic that transforms this conversation from an academic exercise into a moral emergency: according to MENTOR, the National Mentoring Partnership, there are approximately nine million young people in America growing up without any meaningful adult mentoring relationship outside of their parents, and of those, roughly one in three — more than three million — are Black youth who have expressed a desire for a mentor and cannot find one. The waiting lists at Big Brothers Big Sisters chapters in major cities stretch for months, sometimes years. In some cities, the wait for a Black male mentor specifically is so long that the child will have aged out of the program before a match is made.
Three million children who have raised their hands and asked for help. Three million children who have done exactly what we tell them to do — seek out positive role models, ask for guidance, be proactive about their own futures — and have been answered with silence. And the question that no one in the policy conversation seems willing to ask is: Where are the mentors?
Why the Mentor Supply Has Collapsed
The answer to where the mentors are is uncomfortable, because it requires examining the internal dynamics of Black America rather than pointing at external oppression, and this is the kind of examination that has become, in the current intellectual climate, nearly impossible to conduct without being accused of victim-blaming. But the children on those waiting lists are the victims, and it is not blaming them to ask why the adults in their communities are not stepping forward.
The first and most obvious factor is what W.E.B. Du Bois would have recognized immediately: the talented tenth has left the neighborhood. The great irony of the civil rights movement’s success is that it opened doors that led, primarily, out. Desegregation of housing meant that Black professionals could move to suburbs where the schools were better and the streets were safer, and they did, in enormous numbers. Between 1970 and 2000, the Black middle class roughly tripled in size, and as it grew, it migrated away from the communities that had produced it. The doctor, the lawyer, the teacher, the accountant who had once lived on the same block as the janitor and the factory worker — who had attended the same church, whose children had played in the same parks — now lived in a different zip code, shopped at different stores, and inhabited a different social world.
This was not a moral failure. It was a rational response to expanded opportunity. But it had a devastating consequence: it removed from poor and working-class Black neighborhoods the very people who had historically served as mentors, role models, and exemplars of what was possible. The child growing up in Englewood or East Baltimore or the Ninth Ward no longer saw, in the daily texture of neighborhood life, adults who had navigated the path from poverty to stability. They saw, instead, an environment in which the most visible models of success were the drug dealer with the new car and the rapper on the television screen.
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The second factor is subtler and more painful to name. The Black professionals who remain connected to their communities — the ones who coach Little League, who volunteer at church, who serve on school boards — are already stretched to the breaking point. The phenomenon that sociologists call “the Black tax” is not merely a metaphor. It is a documented reality in which successful Black individuals bear a disproportionate burden of community service, extended family support, and representational labor. The Black engineer at a Fortune 500 company is simultaneously expected to mentor younger Black employees, serve on the diversity committee, represent the company at minority recruitment events, support family members who need financial assistance, and maintain his involvement in his church and community organizations — all while performing the same job duties as his white colleagues who face none of these additional demands.
This is not a complaint. It is a structural observation about why the supply of Black mentors is so inadequate relative to the demand. The pool of potential mentors is not merely smaller than it should be; it is exhausted. The very qualities that make a Black professional an ideal mentor — success, stability, community connection, willingness to give — are the same qualities that ensure every institution in America is already making claims on their time.
And the third factor is institutional. Formal mentoring programs — the organizations that recruit, train, screen, and match mentors with young people — are chronically underfunded. MENTOR’s research shows that the average mentoring program in the United States operates on a budget that would be considered insulting for a single public school classroom. Federal funding for mentoring through programs like the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention has remained essentially flat for decades, even as the evidence base for mentoring’s effectiveness has grown dramatically. We have, as a society, accumulated overwhelming proof that mentoring works, and we have responded by declining to fund it.
The Economics of Showing Up
If the moral argument for mentorship is insufficient — and apparently it is, given that three million children are still waiting — then perhaps the economic argument will penetrate the particular density of American indifference. The RAND Corporation’s evaluation of mentoring programs has documented that every dollar invested in quality mentoring returns between three and eighteen dollars in economic value over the lifetime of the mentored youth. The returns come in the form of reduced criminal justice costs, reduced public assistance expenditures, increased tax revenue from higher earnings, and reduced healthcare costs associated with the behavioral and health improvements that mentoring produces.
Compare this to the economics of the alternative. It costs between $35,000 and $45,000 per year to incarcerate a single person in the United States, and in some states considerably more. A young person who enters the criminal justice system at eighteen and cycles through it for two decades will cost taxpayers between $700,000 and $1,000,000 in direct incarceration expenses alone, not counting the economic productivity lost, the social services consumed by their family, or the intergenerational damage inflicted on their children, who are themselves five to six times more likely to be incarcerated than the children of non-incarcerated parents.
A quality mentoring relationship costs approximately $1,000 to $1,500 per year to support through a formal program. The mathematics is not subtle. For the cost of incarcerating one person for one year, we could provide mentors for thirty to forty young people. And the research tells us that doing so would reduce their likelihood of entering the system in the first place by margins that no other intervention can match.
“I am what time, circumstance, history, have made of me, certainly, but I am, also, much more than that. So are we all.”
— James Baldwin, Notes of a Native Son
The Models That Work
It would be irresponsible to catalog the crisis without examining what is actually working, because there are models that have demonstrated, at scale, the capacity to match the scope of the problem. And they share common features that tell us something important about what mentorship actually requires.
The 100 Black Men of America, founded in 1963, operates mentoring programs in more than 100 chapters across the country. Their model is distinctive because it is explicitly intergenerational — successful Black men mentoring young Black men not merely in academic skills but in the full range of competencies required for navigating American society as a Black male. Their program data shows significant improvements in academic performance, high school graduation rates, and college enrollment among mentees, and their model has been recognized by the National Urban League and the Congressional Black Caucus as among the most effective community-based mentoring initiatives in the country.
President Obama’s My Brother’s Keeper initiative, launched in 2014, represented perhaps the most significant federal acknowledgment that mentorship for young men of color is a national priority. The initiative’s impact data showed measurable improvements in school readiness, reading proficiency by third grade, high school graduation rates, and college completion among participating communities. More importantly, it created a framework — the MBK Community Challenge — through which more than 250 cities and counties committed to implementing evidence-based mentoring strategies.
What Scalable Mentorship Looks Like
The path forward requires honesty about what has failed and imagination about what could work. Traditional mentoring models — one adult, one child, meeting for an hour a week — cannot, by themselves, close a deficit of three million. The supply of available mentors, even under the most optimistic recruitment scenarios, will not match the demand through traditional methods alone. We need models that multiply the impact of each mentor while preserving the relational depth that makes mentoring effective.
Technology-enabled matching platforms represent one critical piece of the solution. Organizations like iMentor and MENTOR’s own Mentoring Connector have demonstrated that technology can dramatically reduce the friction in the matching process — the screening, the scheduling, the geographic constraints — that currently limits the reach of mentoring programs. Virtual mentoring, which expanded rapidly during the pandemic, has shown that meaningful mentoring relationships can be sustained across distances, opening the possibility that the Black professional in Atlanta could mentor the young person in rural Mississippi who would otherwise have no access to such a relationship.
Workplace mentoring programs represent another vastly underutilized channel. Major corporations spend billions on diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives that produce, by the companies’ own internal assessments, minimal measurable impact. What if a fraction of those resources were redirected toward structured programs in which employees mentored young people in nearby communities? The evidence from companies that have implemented such programs — Deloitte’s Impact Day model, JPMorgan Chase’s mentoring partnerships with urban schools — suggests that employer-supported mentoring produces benefits for both the mentees and the mentoring employees, including increased job satisfaction and retention.
But the most powerful and most neglected model is the intergenerational partnership within Black communities themselves. The Black church, which remains the most extensive institutional network in Black America, has the infrastructure — the buildings, the organizational capacity, the weekly gathering of adults and young people in the same space — to support mentoring relationships at a scale that no government program or nonprofit could match. Every church with more than fifty members has within its congregation retired professionals, experienced tradespeople, educated elders, and successful adults who possess exactly the knowledge, wisdom, and life experience that the young people sitting three pews away desperately need. The relationship is right there, waiting to be formalized, structured, and supported.
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Let me say something that will be uncomfortable for those who have made a career of demanding that America fix what America broke. They are not wrong about the breaking. The centuries of slavery, the decades of Jim Crow, the mass incarceration epidemic, the systematic exclusion from wealth-building institutions — all of it happened, all of it was deliberate, and all of it produced lasting damage. But the mentorship deficit cannot be solved by legislation, cannot be addressed by reparations, cannot be remedied by any external intervention. It requires Black adults, in numbers far greater than are currently volunteering, to make a decision that is simultaneously simple and radical: to show up, consistently, in the life of a child who is not their own.
The DuBois meta-analysis found that the single most important predictor of mentoring effectiveness is the duration and consistency of the relationship. Programs in which mentors meet with their mentees regularly for at least twelve months produce effects that are two to three times larger than programs with shorter durations. The child does not need a savior. The child needs someone who keeps showing up. Someone who answers the phone on Thursday night. Someone who asks about the math test and remembers the answer. Someone whose presence communicates, in the only language that children truly understand, that they matter enough for an adult to rearrange their schedule.
Three million children have raised their hands. They have asked for what every human being needs and what the research confirms produces transformative outcomes: the sustained attention of an adult who cares. The infrastructure exists to match them. The evidence base to justify the investment is overwhelming. The economic returns dwarf the costs by multiples of three to eighteen. The only resource in short supply is the one that no program can manufacture and no policy can mandate: the willingness of adults who have made it to turn around and reach back for the ones who have not.
The achievement gap will not be closed in classrooms. It will be closed in relationships — in the patient, persistent, unglamorous work of one adult sitting across from one child, week after week, year after year, saying by their presence what no curriculum can teach and no test can measure: You are not alone. Someone sees you. Someone believes you can make it. And I am going to walk this road with you until you do. That is the intervention. That is the solution. And until we deliver it at the scale the crisis demands, every other program we fund is treating symptoms while the disease continues, unchecked and unmoved, to consume another generation.